Overheard at the movies tonight

"When The Empire Strikes Back first opened, I had to sit in the front row with my neck craned up."

"I remember Harry Potter was like half in 3-D, the lights kept blinking when you were supposed to take your glasses off."

"Steve Martin was great in that party scene (in It's Complicated)."

The Magic of the Movies


Giuliani won't be 2010 candidate

From Reuters:

Former New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, who won acclaim for his leadership following the September 11 attacks in 2001, said on Tuesday he does not intend to run for New York governor or the U.S. Senate in 2010.


"I have some very significant commitments for next year that would make it impossible for me to really run full-time for an office," he said at a Manhattan news conference. "It would be hard running from Brazil."

Giuliani, 65, had been mentioned as a possible candidate for both the Senate seat and the governor's job, and his announcement cast doubt on his political future. He ended his second term as mayor of New York at the end of 2001.

I guess it would be more interesting if he were trying to set himself up credibly for 2012, but then again how interesting could that be?

Choose Our President 2012


Review: Fantastic Mr. Fox (2009)

"Basically, there's three grabbers, three taggers, five twig-runners, and the player at whack-bat. The center tagger lights the pine cone, chucks it over the basket, and the whack-batter tries to hit the cedar stick off the cross rock. Then the twig-runners dash back and forth until the pine cone burns out and the umpire calls hotbox. Finally, at the end you count up however many scoredowns it adds up to and divide that by nine."

So says frequent Wes Anderson collaborator Owen Wilson as Coach Skip in Fantastic Mr. Fox. Anderson and his co-writer for Fox, director Noah Baumbach, have also taken a whack-bat to children's animation with their game-changing, instant-classic film.

The film opens with shots of fields laid out from above, and it's clear that's what we're seeing, even though the various sections are made of shag carpeting, corduroy, and other clothy textured materials. Then a quote from the book appears on-screen. Then we see a shot of a library copy of Roald Dahl's short children's novel Fantastic Mr. Fox, the version illustrated by Donald Chaffin, which is opened and fades to a scene very like the cover illustration, in which our hero, Mr. Fox (voice of George Clooney), is waiting for his best girl Felicity (voiced by Meryl Streep) under a tree, listening to "The Ballad of Davy Crockett" on his Walksonic radio.

They decide to take the "scenic route" home, stopping along the way at a squab farm to gather some dinner. This caper is set to the tune of The Beach Boys' "Heroes and Villains," and sets the tone for a beautiful, picaresque time at the movies. The joys of the lovingly handmade stop-motion animation (mixed with some digital wizardry which enhances and focuses it) become apparent immediately, as Mr. Fox and Felicity approach their goal with wild-animal agility.

Anderson and Baumbach accomplish something very special with their script, as well, including nearly every line, dot and dash of detail from the novel while expanding some characters and the ending to turn the film into a full-blown, eccentrically perfect Wes Anderson film worth the title, and still a classic Roald Dahl filmed adventure. Specifically, they beef up the parts of Felicity Fox and "the little foxes," as they are referred to in the book, as well as some animal neighbors, to create a slightly larger story with more family drama of the droll and honest variety Anderson favors, without taking away or departing in spirit from Dahl's vision. They also add a rabid, nasty beagle one feels would have been right at home in the book.

The conflict between the Foxes' son, Ash (voice of Jason Schwartzman), and their nephew, Kristofferson (voiced by Wes Anderson's brother Eric), who comes to stay with the Foxes during his father's illness, is a brand-new masterpiece which fits snugly into the main tale as Dahl wrote it. It adds layers of humor and sympathy for all the characters, as well as providing the catalyst for a slightly more complicated ending. Schwartzman and Anderson are just right as their vocal performances invest the puppet characters with real personalities, they could be extra Royal Tenenbaums brothers. There's a scene in which Kristofferson gives Ash a karate lesson which very much echoes the opening of Anderson's first film, Bottle Rocket.

Mr. Fox is not the complete hero of this film that he is in the book. His sillier or more grandiose ideas are subjected to much more criticism from the other characters, especially his wife, than they are in the book, as befits a Wes Anderson production. Fox becomes much more an imperfect and put-upon patriarch familiar from Anderson's films, one who has to balance his instincts and ambitions with the responsibility of fatherhood and the foibles of his family.

Little details add up over the film to create a whole anthropomorphized animal world which interacts amusingly with the world of people. Seventies-and childhood-reminiscent images and textures give the film a wondrous feel, with characters' eyes replaced with rotary-telephone looking asterisks or neat spirals when they are dazed, manhole covers which are pencil-sharpener faceplates, shag carpeting standing in for whatever texture is capable of being represented with shag carpeting, curse words replaced with the word "cuss" (even for graffiti), and a French-resistance or more generic "fight the power" motif which brings Rushmore to mind. The dialogue absolutely crackles and has a depth not present in the book.

Fantastic Mr. Fox is a great movie, a great kids' movie, a great Wes Anderson movie, a great Roald Dahl adaptation, a great story exceptionally well told. It is beautiful, funny, action-packed, lovingly detailed and expertly built in every way. It's one of the best movies of the year. And the music!

The Magic of the Movies


Everybody gets a turn in the chair

More Franken:

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Sens. Franken and Brown vs. Thune and naysayers


Review: Brothers (2009)

I was not optimistic about Brothers. The preview is an unmitigated disaster, which both gives away too much and just makes the film look bad, trite, silly. So I was surprised to find the film itself to be a rather restrained and largely effective melodrama, not overdone or pandering, but a solid family story with sympathetic characters in a heck of a situation.

Tobey Maguire plays a Marine, Captain Sam Cahill, with a wife, Grace (Natalie Portman) who was his high school sweetheart, two daughters, and a brother, Tommy (Jake Gyllenhaal), just out of prison, when Sam ships off to Afghanistan.

Despite the obvious alcoholism of Sam and Tommy's father (Sam Shepard, very good), the Cahills are portrayed as a tight-knit family who spend time together and love one another, though tensions work beneath the surface. We never know why Tommy was in prison, but we do see an unfolding of events which makes all of the family relationships work out satisfyingly.

Mare Winningham is particularly good as the brothers' stepmother, who has the unenviable task of loving and mediating between three strong men who seem capable of violence and recriminations in their interactions with each other and the world. As in her Oscar-nominated effort in the wonderful Georgia, she has a way here of radiating a wise and practical femininity and stability which is intriguing and complicated.

Natalie Portman is also remarkable as Grace, a character as strong as, but more vulnerable than Winningham's. When Sam disappears after a skirmish in Afghanistan, and is presumed dead, Grace is eloquent in her grief and determined to stay present for her daughters and move on with her life, which increasingly includes Tommy, a welcome and growing if loserish source of strength and continuity for herself and her children.

The non-spoiler twist, of course, is that Sam is not dead. Instead, he has been taken captive by Taliban or al Qaeda forces who videotape the brutal interrogation and torture of Sam's fellow captive, and inflict psychological torture upon Sam through starvation, isolation and other means. Sam returns brutalized and at times brutal himself, detached from his family life, disturbed and paranoid (and not without some cause).

The denouement of Sam's return and the sort-of love triangle which has developed among Sam, Grace and Tommy strongly flirts with the most negative connotations of melodrama, but some restraint in the storytelling and good acting, and a resistance to play it too easy win out in the end, providing a realistic touch.

Maguire and Gyllenhaal are both all right, and there's some believable affection between their Sam and Tommy, and interesting relationships between the brothers and Grace, and the brothers and their father and stepmother. I never believed for a second that Gyllenhaal had been in prison, however, nor that Maguire was a military leader. Neither quite displayed the character notes that would have sold these histories, there are textures missing which might have sold them. However, there was a nice interplay of these backstories with the repressed violence of the situation which develops between them, which the two actors do get pretty much right.

A fairly persuasive and moving story of love, violence, persistence and struggle against difficult odds, without easy answers, Brothers is worth seeing. It's not perfect or great, but it is good.

The Magic of the Movies


Review: The Princess and the Frog (2009)

The newest Disney "animated classic" is The Princess and the Frog, a gorgeous and slight fairy tale based on the "actually classic" fairy tale of the Frog Prince who needs only a kiss from a princess to restore him to his human form.

The broad themes of the original story are "Don't judge a book by its cover" and "Look for hidden treasures others might miss," promising themes for Disney's first film about an African American princess set in a time of widespread racism, and while they're touched upon in many ways, there's a lack of imaginative exploration of them here which is not necessarily troubling, but also not very revelatory or dramatic.

Tiana (voiced by Elizabeth M. Dampier and Anika Noni Rose) is a waitress and a talented chef herself who grows up in New Orleans in the twenties. Her mother (voice of Oprah Winfrey) is a seamstress who sews princess dresses for Charlotte La Bouff (voiced by Breanna Brooks and Jennifer Cody), the daughter of the wealthiest man in town, Big Daddy (voice of John Goodman).

Tiana's father (voice of Terrence Howard) has dreams of being a first-class restaurateur which he transmits to and shares with Tiana from her childhood. After his death, she continues to aspire to own her own restaurant, and works two jobs, saves her tips and tells everybody that this is her goal.

Charlotte's goal is just to marry a prince. So when the swinging Prince Naveen (voice of Bruno Campos) of Maldovia (apparently located somewhere around Turkey, India and/or Nepal) arrives for Mardi Gras, Charlotte is hooked. Naveen is irresponsible, free-spending and freewheeling, plays the ukelele and loves jazz, and has come to find his fortune and chase women after getting the boot by the more conservative royals of his clan.

His plans go awry when he's approached for a tarot reading by Facilier (the lovely growling voice of Keith David, who also voiced the black cat from this year's Coraline), a voodoo practitioner with plans of his own for a fortune royalty could attract. This starts all the frog business, as Facilier transforms Naveen's British manservant into a Prince Naveen lookalike to woo Charlotte and Big Daddy's money, and Naveen into the titular frog, who mistakes? Tiana for a princess who can transform him back. Instead, she joins him in amphibianhood, and the race is on to switch themselves back into humans, save Charlotte from a mismarriage and up the bid on the old sugar mill Tiana has set her heart on for the location of her restaurant.

Along the path of their quest, which involves finding Mama Odie, another voodoo expert they believe can help them, they meet up with friends Louis the jazz-playing alligator and Raymond the lovesick Cajun lightning bug (voiced by Jim Cummings, and easily the most entertaining and sympathetic character in the film, despite being practically unintelligible much of the time).

Everything you know about New Orleans even if you've never been is referenced, from The Big Easy to Tennessee Williams, voodoo, Mardi Gras, funeral bands and spooky above-ground graveyards, and especially every culinary delicacy extant, from gumbo and jambalaya to beignets and froglegs. In Kung Fu Panda, a similar tactic was used with the Chinese setting, with exactly one perfect joke or association with the story for each reference. The Princess and the Frog mostly just name-drops; Tiana never even cooks any froglegs, and if that's not a missed opportunity, I don't know what is. Also as in Panda, a different, sleeker style of animation is used for dream sequences and fantasies, and it's gorgeous in Princess, too, but again less well-used to serve the story.

The music (by Randy Newman) and the animation in The Princess and the Frog are top-notch, and the vocal talents on display are exceptional, but the overall execution tends toward a homogeneity which inspired the current linguistic usages "Mickey Mouse" and "Disney-fied," not in the very worst way possible, but there you have it. It's better than Pocahontas, though perhaps without as catchy a hit song, not as good as Mulan. For an animated kid adventure story with teeth, don't miss Fantastic Mr. Fox.

The Magic of the Movies


Review: The Blind Side (2009)

John Lee Hancock's The Blind Side is that rare inspirational sports story, like Rudy or Hoosiers, which is just as cheesy as every other inspirational sports story, but somehow avoids leaving the taste of unadulterated schmaltz behind--or, at least, in the case of The Blind Side, too unpleasantly or overwhelmingly.

Very good performances by very good actors and a pretty solid script help immensely, especially star Sandra Bullock's involved and affecting turn as Leigh Anne Tuohy, which even (unlike performances like Cameron Diaz's in The Box or Bullock's own as Harper Lee in Infamous) features a pretty believable Southern accent, and Quinton Aaron's portrayal of Michael Oher, a misunderstood, almost autistic homeless child who has found himself repeatedly, inexcusably abandoned again and again.

The film is based on the real story of NFL player Michael Oher, and it feels more real than many films based on true stories. Oher was separated from his mother at a young age and spent time in foster homes, or just drifting, until a temporary guardian found him a scholarship to a Christian school.

The school is not a great fit for him at first, but it soon becomes his only home, until the intervention of Leigh Anne Tuohy and the Tuohy family provides him a stable home base from which to begin to achieve what he's fully capable of, academically and athletically.

The inclusion of Michael in the Tuohy family is portrayed believably, with humor and grace, as a true meeting of equals with respect for one another. There are a few moments when it seems almost to threaten to go over the top in terms of its manipulative emotionality, but it mostly hits the right notes and illustrates the most illuminating contrasts. In particular, the relationships between Leigh Anne and Michael and Michael and S.J. (Jae Head), the young son of the Tuohys, are credible, logical, moving and entertaining.

It's pretty refreshing to see a Christian school and a Christian family in a Hollywood movie without caricature or irony. They aren't huddled in a bunker waiting for the end times or preaching damnation or hatred, just trying to live and love well and set good examples, like most real-life Christians of whatever denomination, like most regular good people.

There are some weak points, to be sure. The opening monologue, intoned joylessly by Bullock over old football footage, is kind of a snooze, and while the information imparted is useful to understanding the story, it easily could have been made more interesting. A scene in which Leigh Anne lectures wealthy friends over her genuine concern for Michael moves the plot forward in several ways, but feels too easy.

The framing of the film's story within an NCAA investigation into Oher's choice of colleges seems slightly forced and strained, and some complications which ensue from it seem rote or too inserted. Much more about Michael's early childhood and family background is wished for. Kathy Bates seems game as Michael's tutor, but is not really given enough to do perhaps to justify hiring a talent like Kathy Bates.

So yeah, there's stuff missing. Some threads of the story which could have been complex and fit in well are not handled as thoroughly as they probably should have been. But in all, The Blind Side is a heart-warming and involving sports picture and touching family portrait with very strong performances. I suppose it's clear from what I've written that I did not want to like the movie as much as I did, going in, but I ended up liking it exactly as much as I did by the time the credits rolled.

The Magic of the Movies

President Obama's Nobel Speech

Dec. 10, 2009, Oslo, Norway:

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations--that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize--Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela--my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women--some known, some obscure to all but those they help--to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by forty-two other countries--including Norway--in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill, and some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict--filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

Now these questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease--the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of "just war" was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different god. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations--total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of thirty years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations--an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize--America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states--all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations--acting individually or in concert--will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King, Jr., said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there's nothing weak--nothing passive--nothing naïve--in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism--it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower.

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions--not just treaties and declarations--that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest--because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another--that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths--that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." A gradual evolution of human institutions.

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

To begin with, I believe that all nations--strong and weak alike--must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I--like any head of state--reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait--a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America--in fact, no nation--can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.

America's commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. America alone cannot secure the peace. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they've shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That's why NATO continues to be indispensable. That's why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali--we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.

Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant--the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America's commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior--for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure--and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I'm working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma--there must be consequences. Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy--but there must be consequences when those things fail. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point--the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet too often, these words are ignored. For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation's development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists--a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.

I reject these choices. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests--nor the world's--are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements--these movements of hope and history--they have us on their side.

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach--condemnation without discussion--can carry forward only a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable--and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There's no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights--it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. It does not exist where children can't aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that's why helping farmers feed their own people--or nations educate their children and care for the sick--is not mere charity. It's also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement--all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action--it's military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more--and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we're all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities--their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we're moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.

And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no "holy war" can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint--no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one's own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith--for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. For we are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached--their fundamental faith in human progress--that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith--if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace--then we lose what's best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him."

Let us reach for the world that ought to be--that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls.

Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school--because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child's dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that--for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you very much.

Choose Our President 2012


Review: Ninja Assassin (2009)

Ninja Assassin is probably in the realm of the most aptly titled films you will ever see. It is about an assassin, who is a ninja. For a ninja assassin movie, then, it at first feels a bit standard, but it moves fast and features spectacularly staged battles.

So, instead of demeaning it as paint-by-numbers, I'd rather compliment it as iconic. It's just about everything you could ask for in a ninja assassin movie, with not much extraneous. It's not too deep, but it's very satisfying.

The South Korean pop star Rain (cue Stephen Colbert yelling "Rain!") plays Raizo, an orphan raised by the Ozunu clan of ninja assassins to laugh at pain, heal quickly, be invisible and kill whomever they say. He learns all of his lessons well, except for the obedience part, which he never quite cottons to, especially where it concerns a fellow trainee who's also a bit of a rebel.

He's undercover in Berlin when an investigation into the clans brings pressure from the top of the government, as well as more pressure to take Raizo out for his disloyalty from the top of his clan.

The government investigator who won't let the ninja investigation die is played by Naomie Harris, who's pretty credible, if you can get past the part where she's obsessed with ninja history and connecting it with unsolved assassinations, and her character gives Raizo an opportunity to show off his ninja skills while sort of redeeming his failure to protect his childhood fellow trainee from reprisals after her attempt to leave the clan.

There are plenty of explosions and cool fight scenes, as expected from director James McTeigue, a Wachowski Brothers protégé who previously directed V for Vendetta, with last-second escapes and close calls in abundance.

Blood spatters everywhere, and very strikingly, sometimes with a comic-book brilliant red not justified by the lighting, sort of like in Sin City or Frank Miller's quite underrated The Spirit.

Two final ninja-on-ninja confrontations, with another clan trainee and the clan's ninja master (Shô Kosugi, quite winning) feel about right, though the grudge between Raizo and the trainee could have been a bit more convincingly or emphatically drawn.

Looking for a ninja assassin movie, or a quick action getaway which mostly won't trouble your brain? You could do a lot worse than Ninja Assassin. It's lots of fun.

The Magic of the Movies

Palin leads 2012 GOP presidential nominee web poll results for November (for the first time)

Fmr. Gov. Sarah Palin (AK) led November voting for who respondents thought would be the 2012 Republican presidential nominee, for the first time since the poll was launched around inauguration time. As usual, this is of self-selected voters of any party who found my website, so it is not scientific in any way. (This means you should not complain that it was not scientific because it's never going to be.) Voting is just for fun, please no wagering. Here are this month's results:

November 2009

#1 - Gov. Sarah Palin (AK) ... 23.1%
#2 - Rep. Mike Pence (IN) ... 21.8%
#3 - Sen. John Thune (SD) ... 14.3%
#4 - Fmr. Gov. Mike Huckabee (AR) ... 12.9%
#5 - Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (TX) ... 6.8%
#5 - Gov. Tim Pawlenty (MN) ... 6.8%
#6 - Fmr. House Speaker Newt Gingrich (GA) ... 6.1%
#7 - Fmr. Vice Pres. Dan Quayle (IN / AZ) ... 3.4%
#8 - Gov. Bobby Jindal (LA) ... 1.4%
#9 - Gov. Haley Barbour (MS) ... .7%
#9 - Sen. Sam Brownback (KS) ... .7%
#9 - Fmr. Gov. Jeb Bush (FL) ... .7%
#9 - Senate Min. Leader Mitch McConnell (KY) ... .7%
#9 - Fmr. Gov. Tom Ridge (PA) ... .7%
#10 - Fmr. Gov. Mitt Romney (MI / UT / MA) ... 0%
#10 - Other ... 0%

147 total votes cast / Margin of error ±100%

Also this month, Fmr. Gov. Mike Huckabee (AR) has exited the poll. You can vote for this month's new poll here, or click the vote button from any of the Choose Our President 2012 pages.

Choose Our President 2012